As Americans watched the presidential election controversy unfold in November and December of 2020, the very same publications that had spent years lying about President Trump’s “Russia collusion” were once again dictating the narrative that Americans people were dutifully supposed to believe. The Los Angeles Times, for instance, declared that Trump’s “baseless” and “dangerous” claim “that the election was rigged to benefit Joe Biden” had been thoroughly “debunked.” The New York Times proclaimed that “Trump’s false election fraud claims” were founded upon nothing more than a “torrent of falsehoods.” Sneering at “how Trump drove the lie that the election was stolen,” The Washington Post mocked Republicans who were “still pretending that there was election fraud.” And CNN.com warned that “Trump’s obsession with overturning the election” had begun to spiral “out of control.”
Contrary to the claims of the aforementioned sources, what follows is a compilation of vital facts which demonstrate that the 2020 presidential election was not only rife with fraud, but also with unconstitutional measures by which state election laws were changed during the months and weeks prior to Election Day — changes that were, in every single case, designed to benefit Joe Biden and the Democrats.
Before the Election: How We Got Here
In 2005, a landmark report by the bipartisan Commission on Federal Election Reform, known informally as the Carter-Baker Commission, advised all U.S. states that in order to guarantee free and fair elections, they should: (a) increase voter ID requirements; (b) minimize the use of mail-in ballots, which “remain the largest source of potential voter fraud”; (c) disallow ballot harvesting by third parties; (d) purge voter rolls of all ineligible or fraudulent names; (e) allow election observers to monitor ballot-counting processes without restraint or obstruction; (f) ensure that voting machines are accurate in their tabulations; and (g) encourage news organizations to “delay the release of any exit-poll data until the election has been decided.” All of these recommendations were widely ignored in the elections of November 2020.
During the months leading up to the 2020 presidential race, the Biden campaign assembled a team of some 600 lawyers and more than 10,000 volunteers to “[go] into every single state” in order to “call out local rules that don’t adequately ensure access to vote.”
Toward that end, Democrats, starting in late 2019, filed nearly 300 lawsuits in dozens of states – most notably all of the key battleground states – in an effort to change election laws and regulations in ways that would benefit Democrat candidates. For example, they sought to: (a) extend the statutory deadlines by which mail-in ballots could be submitted, postmarked, or received by election authorities; (b) permit people to vote earlier than ever before — in some cases, as many as 50 days prior to Election Day; (c) eliminate signature, signature-verification, and witness requirements for mail-in ballots; (d) void state laws that disallowed ballot harvesting by third parties; (e) terminate photo-ID requirements for in-person voting; (f) introduce provisions that would allow for the “curing” of mail-in ballots that contained errors or omissions; and (g) require state election officials to send unsolicited mail-in ballots to every person listed as a registered voter, even though such lists have long been notorious for their multitudinous inaccuracies.
Though the Democrats did not get everything that they wanted via their lawsuits, they got most of it. On December 16, 2020, broadcaster and bestselling author Mark Levin, citing the cases of Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Arizona — and their combined 73 Electoral College votes – explained what had happened:
“Every one of these states [and others as well] were targeted by Democrats. Every one of these states violated the United States Constitution, Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 [which empowers the state legislatures alone to make election law for each state]. Every one of them, because changes were made to their election systems not by the state legislature, but by other public officials.… That’s 73 Electoral College votes. This is why Donald Trump won the election…. [I]f the federal Constitution had not been violated, yes, Donald Trump would be … president of the United States today. Putting all fraud aside…. This is why you should be furious with the United States Supreme Court, that had as its duty, as its sworn responsibility … to insist that the states comply with the federal Constitution under Article II, Section 1, Clause 2, and that any changes made outside that clause, by governors, secretaries of states, by courts, federal or state, by election boards or other bureaucrats, will be deemed unconstitutional. [The Supreme Court] had a case [in Pennsylvania] … before a single vote was counted, they had a case [alleging unconstitutional changes to election laws] and they didn’t take it up…. [The Democrats] made these changes, they plotted, they planned, they litigated, they pressured, they lobbied, and now we have, if he’s sworn in, Joe Biden, who will be an illegitimate president of the United States in every meaning of that word, ‘illegitimate.’”
On December 30, 2020, Levin expanded on this theme as follows:
“Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 of the federal Constitution could not be more explicit. It states, in pertinent part: ‘Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress….’ This language was purposeful. During the Constitutional Convention, there were various proposals suggested for electing a president. Should the president be directly elected by the people? That proposal was rejected out of concern that such a purely democratic process could be hijacked by a temporary majority. Should the president be chosen in the first instance from within the national legislature? That proposal was also rejected on grounds of separation of powers. Should the judiciary play a role in the selection of the president? That idea was dispensed with as being the most objectionable, as judges were to be the least political of all public officials. The framers deliberatively and with much thought created the Electoral College process, in which the people and their elected legislatures — both state and national — would play important roles. But the electoral process rested first and foremost on the state legislatures directing how the electors would be chosen. The reason: While rejecting the direct election of a president, the framers concluded that the state legislatures were closest to the people in their respective states and would be the best representatives of their interests. At no time did the framers even raise the possibility that governors, attorneys general, secretaries of state, election boards, administrators, etc., would play any significant role in the electoral process. Indeed, certain of those offices did not even exist. Moreover, as I said, the courts were rejected out of hand. Thus, such an important power was to be exercised exclusively by the state legislatures.
“After the 2016 election, the Democrat Party, its various surrogate groups, and eventually the Biden campaign unleashed hundreds of lawsuits and an unrelenting lobbying campaign in key states that had previously been won by President Trump, taking unconstitutional measures intended to stop President Trump from winning these states in the 2020 election, thereby literally undoing this critical constitutional provision. What had been carefully crafted at the Constitutional Convention and clearly spelled out in the Constitution was the main obstacle to defeating President Trump and winning virtually all future presidential elections. The problem for the Democrats was that in several of these battleground states, the Republicans controlled the legislatures, while the Democrats controlled state executive offices. The Constitution was not on their side. Therefore, they used the two branches [executive and judicial] of government that were to have no role in directing the appointment of electors to eviscerate the role of the Republican legislatures.”
Levin then proceeded to explain specifically how four of the most important battleground states had bowed to Democrat Party pressure and unconstitutionally changed their election laws:
“In Pennsylvania … the Democrat governor, attorney general, and secretary of state made and enforced multiple changes to the state’s voting procedures, all of which were intended to assist the Democrats and Biden. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, whose seven justices are elected, has a 5-2 Democrat majority. (In 2018, there was a big push by the Democrat Party to fill three of the seats with Democrats, and it succeeded.) Just months before the  general election, that court rewrote the state election laws to eliminate signature requirements or signature matching, eliminate postal markings that were intended to ensure votes were timely, and exten[d] the counting of mail-in ballots to Friday at 5:00 p.m. (state law had a hard date and time — election day on Tuesday, which ended at 8:00 p.m. ET), thereby fundamentally altering Pennsylvania’s election laws and nullifying the federal constitutional role of the Republican legislature.
“In Michigan, among other things, the Democrat secretary of state unilaterally changed the state’s election laws with respect to absentee ballot applications and signature verification. Indeed, she sent unsolicited absentee ballot applications by mail prior to the primary and general elections. State law required would-be voters to request such ballots. She intentionally circumvented the Republican state legislature and violated the federal Constitution by issuing over 7 million unsolicited [ballot applications]. Furthermore, a court of claims judge, appointed by a Democrat, ordered clerks to accept ballots postmarked by Nov. 2 and received within 14 days [after] the election, the deadline for results to be certified. The ballots would be counted as provisional ballots. The state legislature had no role in these changes.
“In Wisconsin, the Elections Commission and local Democrat officials in the state’s largest cities, including Milwaukee and Madison, changed the state’s election laws. Among other things, they placed hundreds of unmanned drop boxes in strategic locations in direct violation of state law. Not surprisingly, the locations were intended to be most convenient to Democrat voters. In addition, they told would-be voters how to avoid security measures like signature verification and photo ID requirements. These bureaucrats and local officials bypassed the Republican legislature in altering state election procedures.
“In Georgia, the secretary of state is a Republican. Regardless,… Georgia’s Secretary of State entered a Compromise Settlement Agreement and Release with the Democratic Party of Georgia to materially change the statutory requirements for reviewing signatures on absentee ballot envelopes to confirm the voter’s identity by making it far more difficult to challenge defective signatures beyond the 22 express mandatory procedures set forth at GA. CODE § 21-2-386(a)(1)(B).71. Among other things, before a ballot could be rejected, the Settlement required a registrar who found a defective signature to now seek a review by two other registrars, and only if a majority of the registrars agreed that the signature was defective could the ballot be rejected but not before all three registrars’ names were written on the ballot envelope along with the reason for the rejection. These cumbersome procedures are in direct conflict with Georgia’s statutory requirements, as is the Settlement’s requirement that notice be provided by telephone (i.e., not in writing) if a telephone number is available. Finally, the Settlement purports to require State election officials to consider issuing guidance and training materials drafted by an expert retained by the Democratic Party of Georgia.’ Georgia’s Republican legislature had no role in these electoral changes resulting from [the] consent decree.
“Consequently, in each of these four battleground states — and there were others — whether through executive fiats or litigation, key, if not core, aspects of state election laws were fundamentally altered in contravention of the explicit power granted to the state legislatures and, therefore, in violation of the federal Constitution and the process set forth for directing the selection of electors. And this is before we even get to the issue of voter fraud. That said, in many instances, ballots that would have been rejected or, if counted, [would have been] evidence of fraud, were now said to be legal — not by state legislatures but by those who unilaterally changed the election laws.
“The United States Supreme Court had an opportunity before the election, and in this general election cycle, to make clear to the states that they must comply with the plain language of Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 of the Constitution. Indeed, when a federal district judge in Michigan altered that state’s election laws, a closely divided U.S. Supreme Court overturned his order. Justice Gorsuch pointed out that the state legislature writes election laws. However, when a case was brought to the Court involving the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s interference in state election laws, the U.S. Supreme Court was paralyzed…. Its failure to enforce the Constitution … has contributed mightily to our current plight.”
The Implausibility of Trump’s Loss
While President Trump was granting interviews on a daily basis to friendly and hostile media outlets alike, and was holding campaign rallies that drew tens of thousands of passionate supporters, Joe Biden, for the most part, remained locked away inside the basement of his home, rarely even agreeing to give brief video interviews. On the few occasions when Biden did take part in interviews — almost always with fawning, sycophantic questioners — he typically seemed confused, disoriented, incoherent, exhausted, and reliant on a teleprompter or written notes for nearly every remark he made. And when he held his “rallies” or gave speeches, they were invariably awkward, uninspired events mired in pessimistic rhetoric and attended only by tiny handfuls of people. Common sense tells us that no candidate so deeply flawed and so severely limited, could possibly have inspired 15.4 million more people to vote for him, than had voted for Democrat icon Barack Obama in 2012.
Late on Election Night – November 3, 2020 — President Trump led Biden by approximately 112,000 votes in Wisconsin, 293,000 votes in Michigan, 357,000 votes in Georgia, and 555,000 votes in Pennsylvania. Then, highly populous counties in two of those states — Allegheny County in Pennsylvania and Fulton County in Georgia — suddenly suspended their vote counts, almost simultaneously. By the early-morning hours of the following day, Wisconsin had flipped in Biden’s favor, followed by Michigan soon thereafter. A few days later, Georgia and Pennsylvania followed suit as well.
President Trump received more votes than any previous incumbent seeking re-election, and he increased his 2016 vote total by 11 million — the third largest rise ever achieved by an incumbent. By contrast, President Obama had comfortably won re-election in 2012 with 3.5 million fewer votes than he had received in 2008.
Biden in 2020 won the vote in only 16.7% of all counties nationwide, a record low. In raw numbers, Biden won 509 counties, while Trump won 2,547 counties.
According to exit polls, black support for Trump grew by 50% above its 2016 level, while black support for Biden was substantially lower than it had been for other Democrats in recent presidential elections. For example, Biden won 80% of the black male vote, down from Hillary Clinton’s 82% in 2016, Barack Obama’s 87% in 2012, and Obama’s 95% in 2008. Meanwhile, Biden won 91% of the black female vote, down only slightly from Hillary Clinton’s 94% in 2016 and Barack Obama’s 96% in both 2012 and 2008.
Trump easily won Florida, Ohio, and Iowa in 2020. Since 1852, the only presidential candidate to lose an election while winning these three states was Richard Nixon in 1960 – an outcome that was likely the result of election fraud by Democrats.
Biden’s purported victory was due entirely to the fact that he seems to have overperformed specifically in the tiny handful of Democrat-run cities that provided him with narrow leads in each of the battleground states, and nowhere else. As The American Spectator put it: “Biden [won] Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin because of an apparent avalanche of black votes in Detroit, Philadelphia, and Milwaukee. Biden’s ‘winning’ margin was derived almost entirely from such voters in these cities, as coincidentally his black vote spiked only in exactly the locations necessary to secure victory. He did not receive comparable levels of support among comparable demographic groups in comparable states.”
The Washington Examiner noted how strange it was that Trump could have lost the election even though “Republicans won all 27 House races [that] the Cook Political Report rated as ‘toss-ups’ in its 2020 election analysis, in addition to picking up 7 of the 36 seats the outlet rated as ‘likely Democrat’ or ‘lean Democrat.’” Moreover, Democrats were unable to overturn even a single Republican seat in the House. And in New Hampshire, Republicans seized control of the state House and the state Senate, both of which had been in Democrat hands.
Republicans cut the Democrat advantage in the U.S. House of Representatives from 38 seats to just 10 seats, making Trump the only incumbent president in American history to lose his re-election bid while his own party gained seats in the House.
In a December 6 interview with Mark Levin on Fox News, pollster and Democracy Institute founder Patrick Basham said that if Biden was indeed the winner of the presidential election, he had defied key “non-polling metrics” in a way that may be “not statistically impossible, but it’s statistically implausible.” Basham explained that there are “a dozen or more of these metrics … [that] have a 100% accuracy rate in terms of predicting the winner of the presidential election,” including “party registration trends, how the candidates did in their respective presidential primaries, the number of individual donations, [and] how much enthusiasm each candidate generated in the opinion poll.” Other notable variables are the candidates’ social media followings, their broadcast and digital media ratings, the number of online searches that their names generate, the number of small donors they have, and the number of individuals who are betting on them to win. “In 2016,” said Basham, “[these metrics] all indicated strongly that Donald Trump would win against most of the public polling. That was again the case in 2020. So if we are to accept that Biden won against the trend of all these non-polling metrics, it not only means that one of these metrics was inaccurate … for the first time ever, it means that each one of these metrics was wrong for the first time and at the same time as all of the others.”
Noting also that “Donald Trump improved his national performance over 2016 by almost 20%,” Basham stated: “No incumbent president has ever lost a reelection bid if he’s increased his [total] votes.”
What Happened in Georgia
In Georgia, illegal ballots were cast by, or in the name of: (a) more than 2,500 felons; (b) 66,247 underage voters; (c) 2,423 unregistered voters; (d) 4,926 individuals who had failed to register prior to the state’s voter-registration deadline; (e) 395 individuals who voted in two states; (f) 40,279 people who had moved across county lines in Georgia without re-registering in their new county of residence; (g) 30,000 to 40,000 people whose absentee ballots lacked a valid, verifiable signature; (h) 3,987 non-citizens; (i) 20,311 voters who had moved out of state and thus were no longer eligible to vote in Georgia; and (j) at least 1,043 individuals whose voter registrations claimed postal facilities as their home address and disguised their box numbers as “apartment” numbers. Almost all of the people in this latter category were absentee voters who cast their ballots early.
More than 300,000 Georgia residents who, in violation of state law, had applied for absentee ballots more than 180 days prior to the Election Day, were permitted to vote.
Nine individuals at various recount sites in Georgia issued sworn affidavits stating that they had seen large numbers of uncreased mail-in ballots – meaning that the ballots had not been folded and mailed in an envelope as required by law — almost all cast for Biden. As longtime poll manager Susan Voyles wrote in her affidavit: “It was pristine. There was a difference in the texture of the paper … There were no markings on the ballots to show where they had come from, or where they had been processed. I observed that the markings for the candidates on these ballots were unusually uniform, perhaps even with a ballot marking device. By my estimate in observing these ballots, approximately 98% constituted votes for Joseph Biden.”
Trial lawyer Carlos Silva, who was a Republican poll challenger on Election Day, said in an affidavit that he saw DeKalb County election officials pull out many hundreds of ballots, all of which had an unusually perfectly formed black circle, or bubble, filled in for Joe Biden. “I was able to observe the perfect bubble for a few minutes before they made me move away from the table,” he said. “At no time did I speak to the poll workers or obstruct them in any way. I heard them go through the stack and call out Biden’s name over 500 times in a row.”
At least 96,600 absentee ballots in Georgia were requested and counted but were never recorded as having been returned by the voter to county election boards.
In a major Fulton County, Georgia polling place — the State Farm Arena — surveillance cameras captured perhaps the most graphic video evidence of election fraud ever recorded. At about 10:30 PM on Election Night, poll workers and election observers were told that because of a water-main break inside the building, they were to go home for the night and not return until 8:30 the following morning, at which time all vote-counting – which was purportedly being suspended for the overnight hours — would resume. By approximately 10:50 p.m., everyone had left the facility except four Democrat poll workers who stayed behind. As soon as everyone else had gone home, these four individuals promptly pulled four large, wheeled cases out from under a long table whose floor-length black tablecloth had theretofore concealed them. The cases were filled with approximately 6,000 ballots apiece, and the four remaining poll workers proceeded to count them until about 1:00 a.m. – with no Republican observers on hand. Moreover, it was later confirmed that there had not been any water-main break in the building; that was a concocted excuse designed to create a pretext for removing non-Democrat poll workers.
A vote update in Georgia at 1:34 AM on November 4 added 136,155 votes for Biden and 29,115 votes for Trump.
On December 30, 2020, Lynda McLaughlin from the Data Integrity Group, along with data scientists Justin Mealey and Dave Lobue, presented vital data to the Georgia Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Elections. Mealey was an electronic warfare technician in the U.S. Navy for nearly 10 years and was a former CIA contractor as a data analyst and programmer for the National Counterterrorism Center, while Lobue has spent more than a decade as a data scientist in several different industries. According to the McLaughlin-Mealey-Lobue analysis, at least 30,593 votes were removed from Trump’s total as result of this fraud, including 17,650 votes in Dougherty County, 7,008 votes in Dodge County, and 5,935 votes in Putnam County. As The Epoch Times explains: “The removals happened at the county level and were hard to observe at the state level because the decrements were offset by accurate data uploaded by other counties.” “I want to make … very, very clear that at no point in an incremental process, should you decrement it,” said Mealey, vis-à-vis the fact that Trump’s official vote total actually decreased at a certain point. “What we have here is we actually have fraud that we can prove in this election, there was fraud in Georgia’s election, we can prove it with data,” Mealey added. “The voting will of the people of Georgia is not reflected in what was certified by the Secretary of State.”
A “clear example of vote switching” occurred in Bibb county, Georgia, said the McLaughlin-Mealey-Lobue research team. At 9:11 p.m. on Election Night, Trump received 29,391 votes as Biden simultaneously received 17,218. But in the very next reported time update, those numbers were switched, meaning that Biden suddenly turned a 12,173-vote deficit into an advantage of the same size.
According to Real Clear Investigations journalist Paul Sperry: “In the early hours of Nov. 5, a surge of some 20,000 mail-in votes suddenly appeared for Joe Biden, while approximately 1,000 votes for President Trump mysteriously disappeared from his own totals in the critical swing state [of Georgia].”
Cobb County election observer Debbie Fisher told a Georgia legislature hearing that while she served as part of the voter review for a November 16 hand recount of votes, she noticed something highly unusual about the military ballots that had been cast in the county. Fisher stated that on that day, somewhere between 80 and 90 percent of the 298 military ballots that she reviewed were for Biden. Because that particular section of Cobb County has traditionally been heavily Republican, Fisher said that “throughout the day, it made me sicker to see” all those votes going for Biden, adding: “I find that statistically impossible.”
Data expert Edward Solomon analyzed the 2020 election results in Georgia and found that approximately 200,000 votes had been transferred from Trump to Biden at the precinct level.
On December 30, 2020, Digital ID systems inventor Jovan Pulitzer testified before the Georgia Senate Judiciary subcommittee on Elections and announced that his team of technicians had been able — at that very moment in time — to hack into the Dominion Voting Machines that were being used — also at that very moment in time — in the two Georgia run-off elections that would determine which party would have a majority in the U.S. Senate. This proved, beyond any doubt, that the Dominion machines were indeed connected to the Internet and thus could be manipulated by external actors — something that Dominion and Georgia state election officials had theretofore denied vehemently.
During the same Georgia Senate Judiciary subcommittee hearing, Pulitzer explained that, by means of highly sophisticated technology, he could examine the paper ballots that had been cast in Fulton County, Georgia, and determine immediately which ones were fraudulent and which ones were not. He could easily examine 500,000 such ballots in just two hours, Jovan added. Following the hearing, the subcommittee unanimously passed a motion to audit Fulton County’s absentee ballots by means of the procedure that Pulitzer had outlined during the hearing. The very next day, December 31, Pulitzer told radio host Monica Matthews that almost immediately after he had been tasked with auditing the Fulton County ballots, trucks pulled up to the facility where the ballots were being held, and the ballots were loaded into those vehicles and shredded. Said Pulitzer: “The very minute that order went through and that order was followed, and all the legal notices were done, it didn’t even take four hours later where moving trucks with this stuff was [sic] backed up to those buildings trying to get rid of the evidence.”
What Happened in Pennsylvania
Some 165,412 of the mail-in and absentee ballots that were requested in the names of registered Republican voters in Pennsylvania, were never tabulated by vote-counters. Williams College mathematics professor Steven Miller, who specializes in analytic number theory and sabermetrics, analyzed the data and concluded, in a sworn affidavit, that: (a) the number of ballots “requested in the name of a registered Republican by someone other than that person” was “almost surely … between 37,001 and 58,914,” and (b) the number of “Republican ballots that the requester returned but were not counted” was “almost surely” between 38,910 and 56,483.
Up to 25,000 nursing home residents in various facilities across the state requested mail-in ballots at precisely the same time prior to the election. This strongly suggests a coordinated action that would constitute a form of ballot harvesting, which is illegal in Pennsylvania.
A sworn affidavit claims that election workers in Pennsylvania were instructed to assign ballots without names to random people across the state. Consequently, thousands of Pittsburgh residents who showed up to vote in person were told that, according to official records, they already had voted.
At least 1,400 early and absentee voters in Pennsylvania listed their home addresses as those of post offices, UPS facilities, and FedEx locations, disguising the box numbers as “Apartment,” “Unit,” “Suite,” etc.
In Pennsylvania, more than 51,000 mail-in and absentee ballots were marked as having been returned just one day after they were sent out by election officials, a virtual impossibility. Nearly 35,000 additional mail-in and absentee ballots were marked as having been returned on the same day that they were sent out, and another 23,000+ had a return date that was earlier than the sent date. Further, there were more than 43,000 mail-in and absentee ballots marked as having been returned just two days after being sent out, which still represents an implausibly fast turnaround time. Plus, more than 9,000 mail-in and absentee ballots had no “sent” date listed at all.
A “naked ballot” is a mail-in or absentee ballot that lacks an outer envelope with the voter’s signature on it. Because that signature constitutes the only evidence by which election officials can verify an absentee voter’s identity, those officials are barred by law from accepting and counting any naked ballets. But Pennsylvania Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar, a registered Democrat, issued a “guidance” directing election officials to accept naked ballots, in violation of state law. When the Pennsylvania Supreme Court subsequently rejected this guidance, Boockvar refused to issue a new guidance mandating that any noncompliant mail-in or absentee ballots should not be counted.
A Republican poll observer from Pennsylvania’s Delaware County, Greg Stenstrom — an expert in security fraud — told a Senate GOP Policy Committee hearing that 47 USB cards containing poll results had gone missing without explanation. He also said that he had witnessed at least two dozen instances where a warehouse supervisor uploaded USB card data to voting machines without being observed by a poll watcher.
In addition, Stenstrom testified that he and a fellow poll watcher had observed between 60,000 and 70,000 ballots kept in a back room “for about three hours” and never counted, before “they disappeared.” Asserting that “we just learned two days ago that virtually all chain of custody logs, records, yellow sheets, everything, was gone,” Stenstrom said that “all forensic evidence, all custody sheets” from Delaware County “are gone,” meaning that “we have a situation in where we have 100,000 to 120,000 ballots, both mail-in and USB, that are in question” and “impossible to verify.”
Whistleblower Jesse Morgan, who worked as a truck driver for a subcontractor with the USPS, said that on October 21 he had driven a truck filled with potentially upward of 288,000 ballots from Bethpage, New York to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, thereby illegally transporting ballots across state lines.
Affidavits by postal workers in three Pennsylvania cities testified that various post offices had illegally backdated ballots and had ordered that Trump mail be placed in the “Undeliverable Bulk Business Mail” bin, while emphasizing that Biden mail should be delivered on time.
Pennsylvania postal worker Richard Hopkins told James O’Keefe of Project Veritas that Erie County postmaster Robert Wisenbach had told postal employees to separate mail-in ballots that arrived after November 3 from other mail, and to backdate those ballots so that they could be counted in the election. Both the Washington Post and New York Times later published false stories claiming, incorrectly, that Hopkins had retracted his allegation.
In one particular vote spike in Pennsylvania during the wee morning hours of November 4, approximately 570,000 votes were added to Biden’s total, while a mere 3,200 were added to Trump’s total – a ratio of about 178-to-1.
On December 28, 2020, a group of Republican state lawmakers who had analyzed election data in Pennsylvania reported that whereas Department of State records indicated that 6,962,607 total ballots had been cast on Election Day (November 3) — including 6,931,060 total votes for the presidential race — the Department of State/SURE system records showed that only 6,760,230 individuals had actually voted on that date. The discrepancy of 170,830 votes in the presidential race was more than twice the reported statewide difference of 80,555 votes that separated Biden and Trump. The aforementioned Republican lawmakers issued a statement that said: “These findings call into question the accuracy of the SURE system, consistency in the application of the Pennsylvania Election Code from county to county, and the competency of those charged with oversight of elections in our Commonwealth. These numbers just don’t add up, and the alleged certification of Pennsylvania’s presidential election results was absolutely premature, unconfirmed, and in error.”
On January 4, 2021, Lynda McLaughlin from the Data Integrity Group, along with data scientists Justin Mealey (a former electronic warfare technician in the U.S. Navy) and Dave Lobue, reported vital data on the presidential election results in Pennsylvania. According to the McLaughlin-Mealey-Lobue analysis, at least 432,116 votes—including 213,707 Election Day votes and 218,409 mail-in/absentee votes—were removed from President Trump’s total in at least 15 counties statewide. As The Epoch Times explained: “Time-series election data shows Trump’s votes decrementing in various counties at numerous time points instead of increasing as would be expected under normal circumstances.” According to Lynda McLaughlin: “There were vote movements across all candidates. However, we did not see the same type of negative decrements to any of the [other] candidates that we saw with President Trump’s tallies, and they happened repeatedly with no explanation.”
What Happened in Michigan
Approximately 9,500 Michigan mail-in ballots were purportedly submitted by voters whose names and birth dates matched those in the death records of the Social Security Death Index. In addition, nearly 2,000 more ballots were cast in the names of voters who claimed to be aged 100+ but were not listed in public records as living individuals.
In a federal lawsuit filed against Michigan on November 10, 2020, President Trump’s re-election campaign presented 234 pages of sworn witness affidavits describing how, in violation of Michigan’s election code, Republican poll challengers had been prevented in various ways from being able to properly observe the vote-counting process – particularly in Wayne, which is Michigan’s most populous county. “Election officials would applaud, cheer, and yell whenever a Republican challenger was ejected from the counting area,” the lawsuit stated.
In 18 sworn affidavits, Michigan witnesses claimed that election officials had counted the ballots of people whose names were not in the voter file, and that those names were added into the system with the birth date of January 1, 1900. One of these 18 affiants was Robert Cushman, who said in his testimony: “When I asked about this impossibility of each ballot having the same birthday occurring in 1900, I was told that was the instruction that came down from the Wayne County Clerk’s office.”
Affidavits filed in Michigan claimed that poll workers had been instructed to ignore signature mismatches, backdate late-arriving ballots (to make it appear that they had arrived before the statutory deadline), and process ballots of questionable validity.
Seven witnesses in Michigan said they had seen the same stacks of ballots being run through tabulation machines multiple times by Democrat poll workers (with no Republicans alongside them).
According to one affidavit, a Michigan election supervisor violated existing state law by instructing election workers at in-person polling places not to request photo identification from voters.
Poll challenger Andrew Sitto swore in an affidavit that boxes filled with tens of thousands of unsealed, unsecured ballots—all cast for Democrats—had arrived in vehicles with out-of-state license plates in Michigan’s Wayne County at 4:30 AM on the morning after Election Day. “I specifically noticed that every ballot I observed was cast for Joe Biden,” said Sitto. According to another sworn affidavit, the names on the ballots in these boxes did not appear on either the Qualified Voter File (QVF) or the supplemental lists of voters who had registered shortly before Election Day.
Sitto said that in the vote-counting room where he had been stationed on Election Day, an election official at one point used a large sheet of cardboard to block the windows; that same official subsequently refused to let Sitto re-enter the room after he had left for a break.
Robert Cushman, a poll challenger in Detroit, said in a sworn affidavit: “I saw the computer operators at several counting boards manually adding,” “to the QVF system,” “the names and addresses of these thousands of ballots … from unknown, unverified ‘persons.’”
An affidavit filed by a postal worker in Traverse City, Michigan states that various post offices illegally backdated some 100,000 ballots and ordered that Trump mail be placed in the “Undeliverable Bulk Business Mail” bin, while stipulating that Biden mail should be delivered promptly.
Another postal employee in Traverse City contacted James O’Keefe of Project Veritas to describe, on video, how his supervisor, Johnathon Clarke, had required postal workers to illegally segregate and manually backdate ballots received after the statutory deadline of 8 PM on Election Day. The workers were then ordered to immediately send these doctored ballots to the P.O.’s main distribution center. When Mr. O’Keefe subsequently reached Clarke by phone to question him about the allegations, a startled Clarke refused to say a word and immediately hung up the call.
IT and cyber-security specialist Melissa Carone, who on November 3 and 4 worked as a contractor for Dominion Voting Systems — the company that provided the voting machines in 66 of Michigan’s 83 counties in 2020 — told a Michigan Senate Oversight Committee hearing: “What I witnessed at the TDS Center [where votes were being counted] was complete fraud. The whole 27 hours I was there. There were batches of ballots being ran through the tabulating machines numerous times, being counted eight to ten times, I watched this with my own eyes. I was there to assist with IT.” Adding that she was “under the impression 100 percent that all of these workers were in on this,” Carone claimed: “There was not a single ballot that the whole night, the whole 27 hours that I was there, that was for Donald Trump, not one.”
Carone also noted that there had been approximately 22 to 24 tabulating machines in the location where she was working, and that she observed election-related malpractice “thousands of times” while she was at the site.
The anti-election-fraud organization “Guard the Vote” examined 30,000 of the 172,000 mail-in and absentee ballots that were cast in the city of Detroit. Of those 30,000 ballots, 229 were cast in the names of dead people, while another 2,660 were cast by people claiming invalid home addresses such as those of vacant lots and burnt-down houses. In short, at least 2,889 (9.6%) of these 30,000 Detroit ballots should have been discarded. If this rate of ineligibility is representative of the city’s 172,000 mail-in votes as a whole, more than 16,500 of those votes were likely invalid.
Patty McMurray, a Republican poll challenger in Detroit, claimed that she had seen large numbers of photocopied mail-in ballots submitted in the names of unregistered voters, all cast for Biden. “Not one of the ballots was a registered military voter, and the ballots looked like they were all the same Xeroxed copies of the ballot,” she testified. “They were all for Biden across the board. There wasn’t a single Trump vote. None of the voters are registered.” Asserting that election workers had entered those names and addresses with phony birthdates that “would override the system and allow them to enter nonregistered voters,” McMurray added: “Throughout the day, that’s how they would override voters that were neither in the electronic poll book or the supplemental, updated poll book.”
A vote update in Michigan at 3:50 AM on November 4 added 54,497 votes for Biden and 4,718 votes for Trump.
What Happened in Wisconsin
At least 26,673 people used mail-in ballots to vote illegally in Wisconsin after they had moved out of the state.
Postal subcontractor Nathan Pease testified that he had been told by two separate postal workers, on two separate occasions, that the USPS in Wisconsin was preparing to backdate more than 100,000 late-arriving ballots on the morning of November 4, to make it look like they had arrived prior to the statutory deadline.
According to election data in Wisconsin, approximately 49,000 people voted for a Republican House candidate down-ballot but purportedly chose not to vote for Trump at the top of the ticket.
State data showed a voter-turnout rate in Wisconsin of 89.25%, an implausibly high number.
James Troupis, the lead attorney for the Trump campaign in Wisconsin, testified as follows to the U.S. Senate on December 16 vis-à-vis the many scores of thousands of illegally cast ballots that had been approved and counted in that state:
“In Wisconsin, we just completed a recount…. Uniquely, we are able to examine actual envelopes that contain the ballots that are submitted by absentee voters. This allowed us to identify by person, by address, by ward. It’s not conspiracy. The real names are in the record. And here’s what we found. We found that there were incomplete and altered certificates. These are the certificates on the front of the envelopes that have to be exactly done correctly under our law. If not, those results may not be counted [in the election]. How many of those? More than 3,000 of those identified by person were nonetheless counted, even though they are clearly invalid under the law.
“A second category, initials of clerks are placed on all of those envelopes. Why? Because the clerk identifies it having been properly received and identification is provided. That’s the check in advance of the election. What did we find? More than 2,000 of those ballots in Dane and Milwaukee County had no initials at all. But nonetheless, they got counted.
“We also have special laws in Wisconsin with regard to voting in advance. We do not allow advanced voting. We allow in-person and other voting as absentee. So, anything before election day is under our absentee rules. What did the city of Madison do? They created a system where people could arrive at a park, hand in their ballots in envelopes five weeks before the election. They also created boxes. No controls at all. Just boxes on [street] corners that you could throw the ballot in. No attempt at all. And our statutes explicitly say there are only two ways to submit an absentee ballot. In person or delivery to the clerk’s office. That’s it. Nothing else is allowed. And yet have the city of Madison, we had … 17,271 ballots in this category that we identify. There are tens of thousands more because they co-mingled the ballots afterwards so we couldn’t identify each one that may have been properly cast.
“Then we have an interesting category called ‘indefinitely confined.’ These are people who [cannot vote in person because of their] age, physical illness or infirmity, or [disability]. So, they don’t have to provide any identification. Among those claiming this status is one of the electors for Joe Biden, who said, ‘I can’t get to the polls.’ We have poll workers who claimed it. We have people who went to protests, people who had weddings, people who had vacations, all claimed this status. ‘I can’t get to the polls.’ So, they were able to vote without identification. There were 28,395 people we explicitly identified [in this category].
“Finally, there are other categories in which as much as 170,000 other ballots were submitted without any application. In fact, they considered the certification envelope the application, though a separate application is required by law. Three million people properly voted in the state of Wisconsin. More than 200,000 identified during this recount did not. But those votes got counted, and our statute says they should not have been.”
What Happened in Nevada
In Nevada, 42,284 people are on record as having voted twice in 2020. Moreover, ballots were cast in the names of approximately 20,000 individuals without a Nevada mailing address; 2,468 people who had moved to another state and thus were ineligible to vote in Nevada; 1,506 people who were dead; almost 4,000 non-citizens; and nearly 30,000 people who falsely listed non-residential, vacant, or non-existent addresses as their home addresses.
On December 16, Trump campaign attorney Jesse Banal testified to the U.S. Senate: “All in all, our experts identified 130,000 unique instances of voter fraud in Nevada. But the actual number is almost certainly higher. Our data scientists made these calculations not by estimations or statistical sampling, but by analyzing and comparing the list of actual voters with other lists, most of which are publicly available.”
Also in his Senate testimony, Banal explained how this widespread fraud had initially come to pass in Nevada:
“On August 3rd, 2020 after a rushed special session, Nevada legislators made drastic changes to the state’s election law by adopting a bill known as AB-4. The vulnerabilities of this statute were obvious. It provided for universal mail voting without sufficient safeguards to authenticate voters or ensure the fundamental requirement that only one ballot was sent to each legally qualified voter. This was aggravated by election officials’ failure to clean known deficiencies in their voter rolls. Because of AB-4, the number of mail ballots rocketed from about 70,000 in 2016 to over 690,000 this year. The election was inevitably riddled with fraud, and our hotline never stopped ringing.”
Data scientist Dorothy Morgan reported that in the Third Congressional District of Nevada alone, there had been 13,372 incomplete and fraudulent voter registrations submitted in 2020, as compared to a mere 68 in 2016. Many of these phony registrations listed casinos or temporary RV parks as the voters’ “home or mailing addresses.” Fully 74% of the fraudulent registrations of 2020 took place between July and September.
What Happened in Multiple Battleground States
In a study headed by Matt Braynard, the former data-and-strategy director for President Trump’s 2016 election campaign, researchers made phone calls to many thousands of registered Republican voters in Pennsylvania who, according to state data, were among the 165,412 Republicans statewide who in 2020 were mailed ballots that were never subsequently marked as having been returned. Of the 1,706 voters whom the researchers were able to contact, nearly one-third said they had never actually requested a ballot. Among the remaining 1,137 voters who said that they had in fact requested a ballot, were 453 (42%) who both: (a) reported that they had mailed their ballots back, and (b) were unaware of the fact that those ballots were never recorded as “received” or “counted” by the state. If the foregoing percentages are representative of what happened to the overall total of 165,412 Republican-requested mail-in ballots that were never tabulated by vote-counters, the implications are obviously enormous.
In other states, Braynard found that the percentage of Republicans who likewise had requested ballots that were never subsequently recorded as having been “received” or “counted” by election officials were: 50% in Arizona, 44% in Georgia, nearly 33% in Michigan, and 20% in Wisconsin.
Braynard found 17,877 early or absentee ballots that were cast in Georgia in the names of people who had filed out-of-state move notices and thus were not eligible to vote in Georgia. The same was true of 7,426 ballots in Pennsylvania, 6,254 ballots in Wisconsin, 5,145 ballots in Nevada, 5,084 ballots in Arizona, and 1,688 ballots in Michigan.
Records show that in Pennsylvania, some 98,000 people voted only for Joe Biden and did not vote for anyone further down the ticket. The corresponding numbers in other key states were approximately: 80,000 to 90,000 in Georgia, 42,000 in Arizona, 63,000 in Wisconsin, and 69,000 to 115,000 in Michigan.
At least 19,997 people used mail-in ballots to vote illegally in Arizona after they had moved out of the state.
According to an analysis by the research group Just Facts, it is likely that 234,570 noncitizen votes benefited Biden across seven closely contested battleground states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, Nevada, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania. Previous research has found that 81% of noncitizens who vote, cast their ballots for Democrats.
Prior to the 2020 election, a Pew Research Center survey reported that in those states where a Senate seat was up for grabs in 2020, “overwhelming shares of voters” who planned to back either Trump or Biden said that they also would be “supporting the same-party candidate for Senate.” Consistent with those survey results, in traditionally red and blue non-battleground states alike, the total number of votes garnered by Biden was only slightly higher than the number of votes received by the Democrat Senate candidates who were also on the ballot. Similarly, the total number of votes won by Trump was only a little bit higher than the number of votes received by the Republican Senate candidates who were also on the ballot.
But in the battleground states, inexplicably, the gap between Biden and the Democrat Senate candidates was far greater than the gap between Trump and the Republican Senate candidates. In Michigan, for example, Biden received 69,093 more votes than did Democrat Senate candidate Gary Peters, while Trump received only 7,131 more votes than Republican Senate candidate John James. And in Georgia, Biden received 95,801 more votes than did Democrat Senate candidate Jon Osoff, while Trump received only 818 more votes than Republican Senate candidate David Perdue. This means that in battleground states, a large number of Democrats seem to have voted for Biden while mysteriously choosing to ignore the highly important Senate races.
In the overwhelmingly Democrat cities of New York, Chicago, and Miami, Biden’s vote totals in 2020, when compared with Hillary Clinton’s vote totals from 2016, was down by 201,408, 260,835, and 6,945 respectively. But in cities that Biden needed in order to win battleground states in 2020, he gained massively in comparison to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 vote totals. For example, in Atlanta, Milwaukee, and Pittsburg, he outperformed Mrs. Clinton by 76,518, 67,630, and 29,150 votes, respectively.
When data analyst Bobby Piton examined a list of people who had voted in Pennsylvania in 2020, he identified 521,879 unique last names among them. These were people who had no known relatives — parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, or cousins — anywhere in the state who had the same last name as the voters. According to a 2010 report by the U.S. Census Bureau, there are fewer than 4 million such cases in every U.S. state combined. This means that in order for the Pennsylvania election results to be accurate, that state, which has only about 4% of the U.S. population, would have to have more than 13% of all the unique names — a huge statistical improbability. Piton added that more than half of these voter surnames in Pennsylvania appear to be fake. He also stated that this same surname anomaly extended to a number of other battleground states, including Georgia and Arizona. The data, said Piton, was likely manipulated by a “sophisticated state entity” in order to ensure a particular election outcome.
Because so many ballots were cast in 2020 by people voting by mail for the first time, most experts, using historical patterns as a guide, predicted that ballots would be rejected at a higher-than-usual rate for flaws such as missing information, inaccurate information, or a failure to place ballots in secrecy envelopes. But precisely the opposite occurred in the battleground states:
Citing what occurred in Pennsylvania, an Epoch Times report provides a partial explanation for these low 2020 rejection rates: “Election officials in [Pennsylvania’s] Democrat strongholds … exceeded their authority in order to give voters preferential treatment that wasn’t afforded to voters in Republican-leaning areas of the state. Specifically, election workers illegally ‘pre-canvassed’ mail-in ballots to determine whether they were missing a secrecy envelope or failed to include necessary information. When ballots were found to be flawed, voters were given an opportunity to correct, or ‘cure,’ their ballots to make sure they counted.”
Rigged & Corrupted Voting Machines
According to witness and expert statements contained in a lawsuit released by former federal prosecutor Sidney Powell and her legal team: (a) agents of malicious actors such as China and Iran accessed the software used by the Dominion voting machines in 2020 “in order to monitor and manipulate elections”; (b) an affiant who was part of a national security detail to former Venezuelan socialist dictator Hugo Chavez, said that the software used by Dominion was designed specifically to enable the Venezuelan government to rig elections without getting caught; (c) that allegation was corroborated by another witness who “was in an official position related to elections and witnessed manipulations of petitions to prevent a removal of President Chavez”; (d) another affiant who was the cousin of the former chief executive of Smartmatic, the company that developed the Dominion software, said that Smartmatic executive was determined “to ensure the election for Chavez in the 2004 Referendum in Venezuela”; (e) Princeton computer-science professor and election-security expert Andrew Appel testified that the vote tallies calculated by the Dominion machines could be manipulated by imputing a malicious code in just “7 minutes alone with [the voting machine] and a screwdriver”; and (f) Finnish computer programmer and election-security expert Hari Hursti testified that the Dominion voting machines can easily be hacked because they are connected to the Internet, a fact which he described as “a grave security implication.”
One particularly noteworthy affiant describes himself as a former “electronic intelligence analyst under 305th Military Intelligence” with “experience gathering SAM missile system electronic intelligence” and “extensive experience as a white hat hacker used by some of the top election specialists in the world.” After conducting extensive forensic reviews, this witness concluded that “the Dominion software was accessed by agents acting on behalf of China and Iran in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent US general election in 2020.” He denounced Dominion for its “complete failure” to provide “basic cyber security.”
A separate complaint in Georgia concurred that “by using servers and employees connected with rogue actors and hostile foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable leaked credentials, Dominion neglectfully allowed foreign adversaries to access data and intentionally provided access to their infrastructure in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent one in 2020.”
Ben Turner — the head of Fraud Spotters, a consultancy specializing in the detection of insurance fraud — conducted a county-by-county analysis of how the adoption of Dominion Voting Systems machines between the 2008 and 2020 presidential races may have affected election results in those places. After controlling for a host of key variables like race, population, immigration rate, and education, Turner found that in presidential races, the use of Dominion machines was associated with a 1.55 percentage point decrease in the Republican vote and a 1.55 percentage point increase in the Democratic vote.
Another longtime data analyst found that Biden in 2020 had performed above the prediction line in 78% of counties that used either Dominion or HART InterCivic voting machines, consistently receiving 5.6% more votes than expected. The analyst called this “a dramatic red flag.”
After conducting a forensic audit of Dominion voting machines, Russell Ramsland Jr., co-founder of Allied Security Operations Group, said in a report: “We conclude that the Dominion Voting System is intentionally and purposefully designed with inherent errors to create systemic fraud and influence election results. The system intentionally generates an enormously high number of ballot errors. The electronic ballots are then transferred for adjudication. The intentional errors lead to bulk adjudication of ballots with no oversight, no transparency, and no audit trail.” Ramsland added that the machines’ “own logs … show very clearly that the RCV [Ranked-Choice Voting] algorithm was enacted. It shows very clearly that the error messages were massive. It [shows] very clearly that races were flipped.”
On December 23, 2020, Trump attorney Rudolph Giuliani stated that recent forensic audits in Michigan had found that Dominion Voting Machines were programmed to give Biden an automatic advantage over any number of votes cast for Trump. “We believe from what we saw in Michigan that the machines have an inaccurate vote,” said Giuliani. “That they’re programmed to give Biden somewhere between a 2 percent and 5 percent advantage.” Giuliani also noted that Democrat officials were continuing to resist subpoenas by state lawmakers to allow a broader examination of the Dominion machines.
In December 2020, Misty Martin — the elections supervisor of Coffee County, Georgia — demonstrated, in videos that were posted online, how Dominion Voting Systems software allowed votes to be changed through an “adjudication” process permitting the operator to add vote marks to a scanned ballot, or to invalidate vote marks already on the ballot. As an Epoch Times report noted:
“Adjudication should only serve to resolve issues of voters marking ballots incorrectly, such as filling the bubbles in a way that doesn’t clearly show who he or she voted for. Yet it appears a substantial number of ballots went through that process, at least in some Georgia counties. As … Misty Martin, showed, the system can be set to allow adjudication of all scanned ballots, even blank ones, and effectively allow the operator to vote those ballots…. In Fulton County, which includes Atlanta, over 106,000 ballots were adjudicated by Nov. 4, said Richard Barron, the county’s director of elections, during a Nov. 4 press conference. In total, more than half a million ballots were cast in the county.”
Democrats and leftists have long maintained that occurrences of voter fraud and election fraud are so rare as to be nearly nonexistent, and that such occurrences should therefore not be used as pretexts for implementing allegedly unnecessary measures like voter ID requirements, signature-verification procedures, and voter-roll updates. But as the evidence presented in this overview plainly attests, the amount of fraud that took place in the 2020 presidential election alone, was nothing short of monumental.
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