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Ward's world, part 10: the Black Panthers
Another
example of Churchill's violence fetish
February 16, 2005
It is safe to say no one in the Colorado
news media has sought to defend the views of Ward Churchill. But several
pundits have suggested that Churchill's most vociferous critics have played
into his hands by turning an obscure academic into a national celebrity and
thus granting him greater influence than he previously enjoyed.
There
is some truth in this critique - the University of Colorado professor is
undoubtedly better known today than he was a month ago - but also a crippling
flaw: Churchill was not an obscure academic when the controversy over his
praise for 9/11 erupted. As academics go, he was better known than most of his
peers and probably more influential, too. Most academics do not fly off on a
regular basis to paid speaking engagements at colleges across the land.
Churchill did, precisely because his writings had already raised his profile.
As for
intellectual influence, there is no doubt Churchill is a prominent voice in an
echo chamber of far-left academics who have managed to define the popular
attitude toward several issues. Churchill has written extensively on the Black
Panthers, for example, pushing the common view that they were besieged and all
but exterminated by a coordinated campaign emanating from the FBI.
That
the FBI targeted, harassed and infiltrated the Black Panthers is not open to
doubt. Then again, the agency would have been irresponsible not to be concerned
about this group, whose celebrated public image of providing armed defense to
the black community concealed vicious, systematic criminal activity - much of
which its surviving leaders admitted in later years. In 1998, for example,
Eldridge Cleaver told 60 Minutes, "If people had listened to Huey
Newton and me in the 1960s, there would have been a holocaust in this
country." Newton, a founder of the Black Panthers, was a predator and drug
addict who was eventually murdered in 1989 by a drug dealer.
Churchill
is all but oblivious to the Panthers' criminal side. Instead, in an essay
published in 2001 in an anthology titled Liberation, Imagination and the
Black Panther Party, he laments the "fallen warriors of the Black
Panther Party" and urges others to take up their banner. The essay is a
40-page slog, but Churchill's casual commitment to truth is fully betrayed in a
table on page 109 in which he lists "The Panther Dead: Police-Induced
Fatalities, 1968-1971" - a description meant to convey the idea that 29
activists were murdered by police. In fact, the list includes numerous Panthers
killed by relatives, colleagues and other armed militants, or who perished in
clashes with police that they initiated. He includes the likes of Alex Rackley,
tortured and murdered by fellow Panthers; George Jackson, killed in an
attempted jailbreak from San Quentin; Frank Diggs, whose murder was never
solved (as Churchill actually admits elsewhere in his text); and Bobby Hutton,
shot trying to escape (witnesses agreed) after a 90-minute gun battle with
police in Oakland.
As long
ago as 1971, Edward Jay Epstein debunked claims of "a pattern of
genocide" in a meticulous article in The New Yorker. Additional
revelations since have rounded out our knowledge, including Cleaver's admission
to journalist Kate Coleman in California Magazine in 1980 that he and
other Panthers provoked the battle resulting in Hutton's death by ambushing a
patrol car.
To be
sure, some cases are ambiguous or subject to conflicting testimony and may well
have involved official lies or misconduct (the deaths of Fred Hampton and Mark
Clark in Chicago certainly did), but Churchill is not interested in drawing
such distinctions. He is first to last a propagandist masquerading as an
academic. Which is why even if CU decides to leave him where he is, Coloradans
deserve to know what kind of man haunts their flagship university's ethnic
studies department.
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